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The costs and cost effectiveness of providing second-trimester medical and surgical safe abortion services in Western Cape Province, South Africa.

ABSTRACT: BACKGROUND:In South Africa, access to second-trimester abortion services, which are generally performed using medical induction with misoprostol alone, is challenging for many women. We aimed to estimate the costs and cost effectiveness of providing three safe second-trimester abortion services (dilation and evacuation (D&E)), medical induction with mifepristone and misoprostol (MI-combined), or medical induction with misoprostol alone (MI-misoprostol)) in Western Cape Province, South Africa to aid policymakers with planning for service provision in South Africa and similar settings. METHODS:We derived clinical outcomes data for this economic evaluation from two previously conducted clinical studies. In 2013-2014, we collected cost data from three public hospitals where the studies took place. We collected cost data from the health service perspective through micro-costing activities, including discussions with site staff. We used decision tree analysis to estimate average costs per patient interaction (e.g. first visit, procedure visit, etc.), the total average cost per procedure, and cost-effectiveness in terms of the cost per complete abortion. We discounted equipment costs at 3%, and present the results in 2015 US dollars. RESULTS:D&E services were the least costly and the most cost-effective at $91.17 per complete abortion. MI-combined was also less costly and more cost-effective (at $298.03 per complete abortion) than MI-misoprostol (at $375.31 per complete abortion), in part due to a shortened inpatient stay. However, an overlap in the plausible cost ranges for the two medical procedures suggests that the two may have equivalent costs in some circumstances. CONCLUSION:D&E was most cost-effective in this analysis. However, due to resistance from health care providers and other barriers, these services are not widely available and scale-up is challenging. Given South Africa's reliance on medical induction, switching to the combined regimen could result in greater access to second-trimester services due to shorter inpatient stays without increasing costs.

SUBMITTER: Lince-Deroche N

PROVIDER: S-EPMC6023192 | biostudies-literature | 2018

REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature

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The costs and cost effectiveness of providing second-trimester medical and surgical safe abortion services in Western Cape Province, South Africa.

Lince-Deroche Naomi N Constant Deborah D Harries Jane J Kluge Judith J Blanchard Kelly K Sinanovic Edina E Grossman Daniel D

PloS one 20180628 6

<h4>Background</h4>In South Africa, access to second-trimester abortion services, which are generally performed using medical induction with misoprostol alone, is challenging for many women. We aimed to estimate the costs and cost effectiveness of providing three safe second-trimester abortion services (dilation and evacuation (D&E)), medical induction with mifepristone and misoprostol (MI-combined), or medical induction with misoprostol alone (MI-misoprostol)) in Western Cape Province, South Af ...[more]

PMID: 29953434

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Project description:BackgroundDespite a liberal abortion law, access to safe abortion services in South Africa is challenging for many women. Medication abortion was introduced in 2013, but its reach remains limited. We aimed to estimate the costs and cost effectiveness of providing first-trimester medication abortion and manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) services to inform planning for first-trimester service provision in South Africa and similar settings.MethodsWe obtained data on service provision and outcomes from an operations research study where medication abortion was introduced alongside existing MVA services in public hospitals in KwaZulu-Natal province. Clinical data were collected through interviews with first-trimester abortion clients and summaries completed by nurses performing the procedures. In parallel, we performed micro-costing at three of the study hospitals. Using a model built in Excel, we estimated the average cost per medical and surgical procedure and determined the cost per complete abortion performed. Results are presented in 2015 US dollars.ResultsA total of 1,129 women were eligible for a first trimester abortion at the three study sites. The majority (886, 78.5%) were eligible to choose their abortion procedure; 94.1% (n = 834) chose medication abortion. The total average cost per medication abortion was $63.91 (52.32-75.51). The total average cost per MVA was higher at $69.60 (52.62-86.57); though the cost ranges for the two procedures overlapped. Given average costs, the cost per complete medication abortion was lower than the cost per complete MVA despite three (0.4%) medication abortion women being hospitalized and two (0.3%) having ongoing pregnancies at study exit. Personnel costs were the largest component of the total average cost of both abortion methods.ConclusionThis analysis supports the scale-up of medication abortion alongside existing MVA services in South Africa. Women can be offered a choice of methods, including medication abortion with MVA as a back-up, without increasing costs.

Project description:BackgroundThe availability of modern contraception including long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC), is a fundamental component of postabortion care. Findings from a recent randomized controlled trial (RCT) in South Africa comparing immediate to delayed insertion of the copper intrauterine device (IUD) after medical abortion (MA) at 17-20 gestational weeks showed that immediate insertion resulted in higher IUD use at 6 weeks postabortion, but that expulsion rates were significantly higher than for delayed insertion. This study aims to explore barriers, facilitators, and context-specific factors relevant to the implementation of immediate IUD provision after second trimester medical abortion.MethodsWe performed a qualitative study alongside the RCT in which we conducted in-depth interviews with 14 staff providing healthcare to study participants and 24 study participants. Research questions explored barriers and facilitators to implementation of immediate IUD insertion, contraceptive decision-making, and the impact of context and supplementary trial activities on service provision. Interviews were recorded and transcribed, with translation into English if needed. We performed a triangulated thematic analysis at the level of the transcribed interview text.ResultsContraceptive counselling at the abortion facility by a study nurse improved knowledge, corrected misconceptions, and increased demand for the IUD postabortion. Women expressed a clear preference for immediate insertion. Convenience, protection from pregnancy and privacy issues were paramount and women expressed preference for engagement with staff who knew their abortion history, and with whom they had an established connection. Doctors and nurses were generally in favour of immediate insertion and said it could be incorporated into standard care if women wanted this. This contrasted with the need for interventions by the research team to reinforce adherence by staff to provide contraception as allocated during the trial.ConclusionsWomen and staff favour immediate IUD insertion after second trimester medical abortion, but service delivery may require structures that ensure timely insertion postabortion, continuity of care, communication that mitigates loss to follow-up and training of staff to ensure competence.

Project description:ObjectiveTo document clinical outcomes and women's experiences following the introduction of mifepristone into South African public sector second-trimester medical abortion services, and compare with historic cohorts receiving misoprostol-only.MethodsRepeated cross-sectional observational studies documented service delivery and experiences of women undergoing second-trimester medical abortion in public sector hospitals in the Western Cape, South Africa. Women recruited to the study in 2008 (n = 84) and 2010 (n = 58) received misoprostol only. Those recruited in 2014 (n = 208) received mifepristone and misoprostol. Consenting women were interviewed during hospitalization by study fieldworkers with respect to socio-demographic information, reproductive history, and their experiences with the abortion. Clinical details were extracted from medical charts following discharge. Telephone follow-up interviews to record delayed complications were conducted 2-4 weeks after discharge for the 2014 cohort.ResultsThe 2014 cohort received 200 mg mifepristone, which was self-administered 24-48 hours prior to admission. For all cohorts, following hospital admission, initial misoprostol doses were generally administered vaginally: 800 mcg in the 2014 cohort and 600 mcg in the earlier cohorts. Women received subsequent doses of misoprostol 400 mcg orally every 3-4 hours until fetal expulsion. Thereafter, uterine evacuation of placental tissue was performed as needed. With one exception, all women in all cohorts expelled the fetus. Median time-to-fetal expulsion was reduced to 8.0 hours from 14.5 hours (p<0.001) in the mifepristone compared to the 2010 misoprostol-only cohort (time of fetal expulsion was not recorded in 2008). Uterine evacuation of placental tissue using curettage or vacuum aspiration was more often performed (76% vs. 58%, p<0.001) for those receiving mifepristone; major complication rates were unchanged. Hospitalization duration and extreme pain levels were reduced (p<0.001), but side effects of medication were similar or more common for the mifepristone cohort. Overall satisfaction remained unchanged (95% vs. 91%), while other acceptability measures were higher (p<0.001) for the mifepristone compared to the misoprostol-only cohorts.ConclusionThe introduction of a combined mifepristone-misoprostol regimen into public sector second-trimester medical abortion services in South Africa has been successful with shorter time-to-abortion events, less extreme pain and greater acceptability for women. High rates of uterine evacuation for placental tissue need to be addressed.

Project description:ObjectiveTo assess whether indicators of limited access to services explained changes in rates of second-trimester abortion after implementation of a restrictive abortion law in Texas.MethodsWe used cross-sectional vital statistics data on abortions performed in Texas before (November 1, 2011-October 31, 2012) and after (November 1, 2013-October 31, 2014) implementation of Texas' abortion law. We conducted monthly mystery client calls for information about abortion facility closures and appointment wait times to calculate distance from women's county of residence to the nearest open Texas facility, the number of open abortion facilities in women's region of residence (facility network size), and days until the next consultation visit. We estimated mixed-effects logistic regression models to assess the association between obtaining abortion care after the law's implementation and having a second-trimester abortion (12 weeks of gestation or more), after adjustment for distance, network size, and wait times.ResultsOverall, 64,902 Texas-resident abortions occurred in the period before the law was introduced and 53,174 occurred after its implementation. After implementation, 14.5% of abortions were performed at 12 weeks of gestation or more, compared with 10.5% before the law (P<.001; unadjusted odds ratio [OR] 1.45; 95% CI 1.40-1.50). Adjusting for distance to the nearest facility and facility network size reduced the odds of having a second-trimester abortion after implementation (OR 1.17; 95% CI 1.10-1.25). Women living 50-99 miles from the nearest facility (vs less than 10 miles) had higher odds of second-trimester abortion (OR 1.24; 95% CI 1.11-1.39), as did women in regions with less than one facility per 250,000 reproductive-aged women compared with women in areas that had 1.5 or more facilities (OR 1.57; 95% CI 1.41-1.75). After implementation, women waited 1 to 14 days for a consultation visit; longer waits were associated with higher odds of second-trimester abortion.ConclusionIncreases in second-trimester abortion after the law's implementation were due to women having more limited access to abortion services.

Project description:BackgroundIn settings where abortion is legally restricted, or permitted but not widely accessible, women face significant barriers to abortion access, sometimes leading them to seek services outside legal facilities. The advent of medication abortion has further increased the prevalence of informal sector abortion. This study investigates the reasons for attempting self-induction, methods used, complications, and sources of information about informal sector abortion, and tests a specific recruitment method which could lead to improved estimates of informal sector abortion prevalence among an at-risk population.MethodsWe recruited women who have sought informal sector abortion services in Cape Town, South Africa using respondent driven sampling (RDS). An initial seed recruiter was responsible for initiating recruitment using a structured coupon system. Participants completed face-to-face questionnaires, which included information about demographics, informal sector abortion seeking, and safe abortion access needs.ResultsWe enrolled 42 women, nearly one-third of whom reported they were sex workers. Thirty-four women (81%) reported having had one informal sector abortion within the past 5 years, 14% reported having had two, and 5% reported having had three. These women consumed home remedies, herbal mixtures from traditional healers, or tablets from an unregistered provider. Twelve sought additional care for potential warning signs of complications. Privacy and fear of mistreatment at public sector facilities were among the main reported reasons for attempting informal sector abortion. Most women (67%) cited other community members as their source of information about informal sector abortion; posted signs and fliers in public spaces also served as an important source of information.ConclusionsWomen are attempting informal sector abortion because they seek privacy and fear mistreatment and stigma in health facilities. Some were unaware how or where to seek formal sector services, or believed the cost was too high. Many informal methods are ineffective and unsafe, leading to potential warning signs of complications and continued pregnancy. Sex workers may be at particular risk of unsafe abortion. Based on these results, it is essential that future studies sample women outside of the formal health sector. The use of innovative sampling methods would greatly improve our knowledge about informal sector abortion in South Africa.

Project description:Background and aimsDespite the decriminalization of abortion in Nepal in 2002, unsafe abortion is still a significant contributor to maternal morbidity and mortality. Nepal has witnessed a significant drop in abortion-related severe complications and maternal deaths owing to the legalization of abortion laws, lowered financial costs, and wider accessibility of safe abortion services (SAS). However, various factors such as sociocultural beliefs, financial constraints, geographical difficulties, and stigma act as barriers to the liberal accessibility of SAS. This review aimed to determine key barriers obstructing women's access to lawful, safe abortion care and identify facilitators that have improved access to and quality of abortion services.MethodsA systematic search strategy utilizing the databases PubMed, CINAHL, Scopus, and Embase was used to include studies on the accessibility and safety of abortion services in Nepal. Data were extracted from included studies through close reading. Barriers and facilitators were then categorized into various themes and analyzed.ResultsOf 223 studies, 112 were duplicates, 73 did not meet the inclusion criteria, and 18 did not align with the research question; thus, 20 studies were included in the review. Various barriers to SAS in Nepal were categorized as economic, geographic, societal, legal/policy, socio-cultural, health systems, and other factors. Facilitators improving access were categorized as economic/geographic/societal, legal/policy, socio-cultural, and health systems factors. The patterns and trends of barriers and facilitators were analyzed, grouping them under legal/policy, socio-cultural, geographic/accessibility, and health systems factors.ConclusionThe review identifies financial constraints, unfavorable geography, lack of infrastructure, and social stigmatization as major barriers to SAS. Economics and geography, legalization, improved access, reduced cost and active involvement of auxiliary nurse-midwives and community health volunteers are key facilitators.

Dataset Information

The costs and cost effectiveness of providing second-trimester medical and surgical safe abortion services in Western Cape Province, South Africa.

Publications

The costs and cost effectiveness of providing second-trimester medical and surgical safe abortion services in Western Cape Province, South Africa.

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