Implications of Cannabis Legalization on Juvenile Justice Outcomes and Racial Disparities.
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ABSTRACT: Introduction
The objective of this study is to assess the changes in rates of juvenile cannabis criminal allegations and racial disparities in Oregon after legalization of cannabis (July 2015) for adults.Methods
This study included all allegations for cannabis-related offenses that occurred from January 2012 to September 2018 in Oregon. Negative binomial regression models were used to examine monthly cannabis allegation rates over time, and tested differences between youth of color and white youth, adjusting for age, gender, and month the allegation occurred. Analysis was conducted in January-March 2019.Results
Cannabis allegation rates increased 28% among all youth and 32% among cannabis-using youth after legalization. Rates of allegations were highest for American Indian/Alaska Native and black youth. Rates for black youth were double that of whites before legalization, and this disparity decreased after legalization. For American Indian/Alaska Native youth, rates were higher than whites before legalization, and this disparity remained unchanged.Conclusions
Adult cannabis legalization in Oregon was associated with increased juvenile cannabis allegations; increases are not explained by changes in underage cannabis use. Relative disparities decreased for black youth but remained unchanged for American Indian/Alaska Native youth. Changing regulations following adult cannabis legalization could have unintended negative impacts on youth.
SUBMITTER: Firth CL
PROVIDER: S-EPMC7266456 | biostudies-literature |
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature
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Project description:ImportanceLittle is known about changes in cannabis use outcomes by race and ethnicity following the enactment of recreational cannabis laws (RCLs).ObjectivesTo examine the association between enactment of state RCLs and changes in cannabis outcomes by race and ethnicity overall and by age groups in the US.Design, setting, and participantsThis cross-sectional study used restricted use file data from the National Surveys of Drug Use and Health between 2008 and 2017, which were analyzed between September 2019 and March 2020. National survey data included the entire US population older than 12 years.Main outcomes and measuresSelf-reported past-year and past-month cannabis use and, among people that used cannabis, daily past-month cannabis use and past-year Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Fifth Edition) cannabis use disorder. Multi-level logistic regressions were fit to estimates changes in cannabis use outcomes by race and ethnicity overall and by age between respondents in states with and without enacted RCLs, controlling for trends in states with medical cannabis laws or no cannabis laws.ResultsA total of 838 600 participants were included for analysis (mean age, 43 years [range, 12-105 years]; 434 900 women [weighted percentage, 51.5%]; 511 900 participants (weighted percentage, 64.6%) identified as non-Hispanic White, 99 000 (11.9%) as non-Hispanic Black, 78 400 (15.8%) as Hispanic, and 149 200 (7.6%) as other (including either Native American, Pacific Islander, Asian, or more than 1 race or ethnicity). Compared with the period before RCL enactment, the odds of past-year cannabis use after RCL enactment increased among Hispanic (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 1.33; 95% CI, 1.15-1.52), other (aOR, 1.31; 95% CI, 1.12-1.52), and non-Hispanic White (aOR, 1.21; 95% CI, 1.12-1.31) populations, particularly among those aged 21 years or more. Similarly, the odds of past-month cannabis use increased among Hispanic (aOR, 1.43; 95% CI, 1.22-1.69), other (aOR, 1.43; 95% CI, 1.20-1.70), and non-Hispanic White (aOR, 1.24; 95% CI, 1.13-1.35) populations after RCL enactment. No increases were found in the odds of past-year or past-month cannabis use post-RCL enactment among non-Hispanic Black individuals or among individuals aged 12 to 20 years for all race and ethnicity groups. In addition, among people who used cannabis, while no increases were found in past-month daily cannabis in any racial or ethnic group, the odds of cannabis use disorder increased post-RCL among individuals categorized as other overall (aOR, 1.45; 95% CI, 1.07-1.95), but no increases were found by age group.Conclusions and relevanceChanges in cannabis use by race and ethnicity that may be attributable to policy enactment and variations in recreational policy provisions should be monitored. To ensure that the enactment of recreational cannabis laws truly contributes to greater equity in outcomes and adheres to antiracist policies, monitoring unintended and intended consequences that may be attributable to recreational cannabis use and similar policies by race and ethnicity is needed.
| S-EPMC8477268 | biostudies-literature
Project description:ImportanceDespite calls for cannabis decriminalization and legalization, research investigating the association of policy with arrest rates and racial disparities is scarce.ObjectivesTo examine racial differences in cannabis arrest rates among adults and youths after statewide decriminalization, legalization, and no policy changes.Design setting and participantsThis case-control study used race-based arrest data from the Uniform Crime Reporting Program and Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results county-level population data from January 2000 through December 2019. Data were analyzed in July 2021. Event-study analyses based on the arrest rates from 43 US states were conducted to compare preimplementation and postimplementation differences in arrest rates for states with decriminalization, legalization, and no policy changes.ExposuresNine states implemented legalization, 8 implemented decriminalization, and 26 had no policy change.Main outcomes and measuresOutcome measures were cannabis arrest rates for Black and White adults and youths per year and by state, while controlling for several covariates.ResultsRates were reported per 100 000. When comparing absolute differences in arrests from January to December 2008 (before policy changes) to January to December 2019, legalization was associated with 561 and 195 fewer arrests and decriminalization with 448.6 and 117.1 fewer arrests for Black and White adults, respectively. States without a policy change saw reductions of 47.5 and 33.0 arrests for Black and White adults, respectively. Among youth, legalization was associated with 131.1 and 131.2 fewer arrests and decriminalization with 156.1 and 124.7 fewer arrests for Black and White youths, respectively. Among states without a policy change, arrests reduced by 35 and 52.4 for Black and White youths, respectively. Plotted trends of the arrest ratios from January 2000 through December 2019 suggests racial disparities remained over time. Event-study analyses suggest that decriminalization was associated with an arrest rate reduction for Black and White adults and youths. The timing of reductions suggests differential policy effects. Arrest disparities increased in states that did not have a cannabis policy change.Conclusions and relevanceIn this case-control study of states with and without cannabis decriminalization and legalization policies, increased arrest rate disparities in states without either policy highlight the need for targeted interventions to address racial injustice.
| S-EPMC8727041 | biostudies-literature
Project description: Not available
| S-EPMC8742190 | biostudies-literature
Project description:IntroductionHepatocellular carcinoma disproportionately affects minorities. Southern states have high proportions of black populations and prevalence of known risk factors. Further research is needed to understand the role of southern geography in hepatocellular carcinoma disparities. This paper examined racial disparities in hepatocellular carcinoma incidence, demographics, tumor characteristics, receipt of treatment, and all-cause mortality in southern and non-southern cancer registries.MethodsSurveillance Epidemiology and End Results data were probed in 2015 to identify 43,868 patients diagnosed with hepatocellular carcinoma from 2000 to 2012 (5,455 in southern registries [Atlanta, Louisiana, and Rural and Greater Georgia]).ResultsSouthern registries showed steeper increases of age-adjusted hepatocellular carcinoma incidence (from 2.89 to 5.29cases/100,000 people) versus non-southern areas (from 3.58 to 5.54cases/100,000 people). Blacks were over-concentrated in southern registries (32% vs 10%). Compared with whites, blacks were significantly younger at diagnosis, more likely diagnosed with metastasis, and less likely to receive surgical therapies in both registry groups. After adjustment, blacks had a significantly higher risk of all-cause mortality compared with whites in southern (hazard ratio=1.10, p=0.007) and non-southern areas (hazard ratio=1.08, p<0.001). For overall populations, southern registries had higher risk of all-cause mortality versus non-southern registries (hazard ratio=1.13, p<0.001).ConclusionsAge-adjusted incidence rates of hepatocellular carcinoma are plateauing overall, but are still rising in southern areas. Race and geography had independent associations with all-cause mortality excess risk among patients with hepatocellular carcinoma. Further studies are needed to understand the root causes of potential mortality risk excess among overall populations with hepatocellular carcinoma living in the South.Supplement informationThis article is part of a supplement entitled African American Men's Health: Research, Practice, and Policy Implications, which is sponsored by the National Institutes of Health.
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Project description:In the United States, black patients are less likely than white patients to receive biologic treatment for their psoriasis. We conducted a qualitative free-listing study to identify patient-generated factors that may explain this apparent racial disparity in psoriasis treatment by comparing the perceptions of biologics and other psoriasis therapies between white and black adults with psoriasis. Participants included 68 white and black adults with moderate to severe psoriasis who had and had not received biologic treatment. Each participant was asked to list words in response to verbal probes querying five psoriasis treatments: self-injectable biologics, infliximab, methotrexate, apremilast, and phototherapy. Salience scores indicating the relative importance of each word were calculated, and salient words were compared across each race/treatment group. Participants who had experience with biologics generally associated positive words with self-injectable biologics. Among biologic-naïve participants, "apprehension," "side effects," and "immune suppression" were most salient. "Unfamiliar" and "dislike needles" were salient only among black participants who were biologic naïve. Participants were generally unfamiliar with the other psoriasis therapies except phototherapy. Unfamiliarity with biologics, particularly among black, biologic-naïve patients, may partly explain the existing racial disparity in biologic treatment for psoriasis and might stem from lack of exposure to or poor understanding of biologics.
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Project description:Racial and ethnic disparities in adverse birth outcomes have persistently been wide and may be explained by individual and area-level factors. Our primary objective was to determine if county-level black-white segregation modified the association between maternal race/ethnicity and adverse birth outcomes using birth records from the National Center for Health Statistics (2012). Based on maternal residence at birth, county-level black-white racial residential segregation was calculated along five dimensions of segregation: evenness, exposure, concentration, centralization, and clustering. We conducted a two-stage analysis: (1) county-specific logistic regression to determine whether maternal race and ethnicity were associated with preterm birth and term low birth weight; and (2) Bayesian meta-analyses to determine if segregation moderated these associations. We found greater black-white and Hispanic-white disparities in preterm birth in racially isolated counties (exposure) relative to non-isolated counties. We found reduced Hispanic-white disparities in term low birth weight in racially concentrated and centralized counties relative to non-segregated counties. Area-level poverty explained most of the moderating effect of segregation on disparities in adverse birth outcomes, suggesting that area-level poverty is a mediator of these associations. Segregation appears to modify racial/ethnic disparities in adverse birth outcomes. Therefore, policy interventions that reduce black-white racial isolation, or buffer the poor social and economic correlates of segregation, may help to reduce disparities in preterm birth and term low birth weight.
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Project description:ObjectivesThe objective of the study is the identification of racial differences in characteristics and comorbidities in patients hospitalized for COVID-19 and the impact on outcomes.Study designThe study design is a retrospective observational study.MethodsData for all patients admitted to seven community hospitals in Michigan, United States, with polymerase chain reaction confirmed diagnosis of COVID-19 from March 10 to April 15, 2020 were analyzed. The primary outcomes of racial disparity in inpatient mortality and intubation were analyzed using descriptive statistics and multivariate regression models.ResultsThe study included 336 Black and 408 White patients. Black patients were younger (62.9 ± 15.0 years vs 71.8 ± 16.4, P < .001), had a higher mean body mass index (32.4 ± 8.6 kg/m2 vs 28.8 ± 7.5, P < .001), had higher prevalence of diabetes (136/336 vs 130/408, P = .02), and presented later (6.6 ± 5.3 days after symptom onset vs. 5.4 ± 5.4, P = .006) compared with White patients. Younger Black patients had a higher prevalence of obesity (age <65 years, 69.9%) than older Black patients (age >65 years, 39.2%) and younger White patients (age < 65, 55.1%). Intubation did not reach statistical significance for racial difference (Black patients 61/335 vs. 54/406, P = .08). Mortality was not higher in Black patients (65/335 vs. 142/406 in White patients, odds ratio 0.61, 95% confidence interval: 0.37 to 0.99, 2-sided P = .05) in multivariate analysis, accounting for other risk factors associated with mortality.ConclusionsHigher prevalence of obesity and diabetes in young Black populations may be the critical factor driving disproportionate COVID-19 hospitalizations in Black populations. Hospitalized Black patients do not have worse outcomes compared with White patients.
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Project description:OBJECTIVE:To assess the relationships between self-reported psychosocial stress and preterm birth, hypertensive disease of pregnancy, and small-for-gestational-age (SGA) birth and to assess the extent to which these relationships account for racial and ethnic disparities in these adverse outcomes. METHODS:Self-reported measures of psychosocial stress (perceived stress, depression, racism, anxiety, resilience, and social support) were collected during pregnancy among a racially and ethnically diverse cohort of women enrolled in a prospective observational study of nulliparous women with singleton pregnancies, from eight clinical sites across the United States, between October 2010 and May 2014. The associations of preterm birth, hypertensive disease of pregnancy, and SGA birth with the self-reported measures of psychosocial stress as well as with race and ethnicity were evaluated. RESULTS:The study included 9,470 women (60.4% non-Hispanic white, 13.8% non-Hispanic black, 16.7% Hispanic, 4.0% Asian, and 5.0% other). Non-Hispanic black women were significantly more likely to experience any preterm birth, hypertensive disease of pregnancy, and SGA birth than were non-Hispanic white women (12.2% vs 8.0%, 16.7% vs 13.4%, and 17.2% vs 8.6%, respectively; P<.05 for all). After adjusting for potentially confounding factors, including the six different psychosocial factors singly and in combination, non-Hispanic black women continued to be at greater risk of any preterm birth and SGA birth compared with non-Hispanic white women. CONCLUSION:Among a large and geographically diverse cohort of nulliparous women with singleton gestations, non-Hispanic black women are most likely to experience preterm birth, hypertensive disease of pregnancy, and SGA birth. These disparities were not materially altered for preterm birth or SGA birth by adjustment for demographic differences and did not appear to be explained by differences in self-reported psychosocial factors.
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Project description:BackgroundThe objective of this study was to evaluate annual heart transplant volumes and 3-year post-transplant outcomes since establishment of United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS) database stratified by race.MethodsThe UNOS thoracic transplant database was evaluated for adult patients since 1987. The available database was then stratified by Race: Black, White and Other and era of transplant: group 1(1987-1991), group 2(1992-1996), group 3(1997-2001), group 4(2002-2006), group 5(2007-2011), group 6(2012-2016) and group 7(2017 and later). Demographic and clinical factors were evaluated.ResultsA total of 105,266 adults have been listed since 1987 and 67,824 have been transplanted. Of the transplanted patients 11,235 were Black, 48,786 White and 6803 were of Other race. The proportion of Black patients listed increased from 7% in 1987 to 13.4% in 1999 and 25% in 2019 and those transplanted increased from 5% in 1987 to 13.4% in 2001 and 26% in 2019. The survival of Black patients gradually improved.ConclusionHistorically, fewer Black patients received cardiac transplantation however, their access gradually improved over the years and account for over 25% of cardiac transplantations performed in recent years. The historically poor survival of Black patients has recently improved and became comparable to the rest.
| S-EPMC8791525 | biostudies-literature
Project description:ImportanceCivil liberty advocates typically support legalization of cannabis, which targets adult use, rather than decriminalization, which can affect both adults and youths. However, it is unknown how arrests of youths for cannabis possession change when adult use of cannabis is legalized.ObjectiveTo model changes in arrest rates of adults and youths after decriminalization and legalization of cannabis.Design, setting, and participantsThis quasi-experimental study used the publicly available Uniform Crime Reporting Program Data: Arrests by Age, Sex, and Race administrative data set to examine arrest rates in 38 states from January 1, 2000, to December 31, 2016. Adult (age, ≥18 years) and youth (age, <18 years) arrests for possession of cannabis were examined. States were excluded if they did not report complete arrest data or if a policy was implemented that reduced penalties for possession of cannabis but fell short of decriminalization. Fixed-effects regression was used in an extended difference-in-differences framework. The analyses in their final form were conducted between January 17 and February 28, 2019.ExposureLiving in a state with a cannabis decriminalization policy (ie, making the penalty for cannabis possession similar to the small fine for a traffic violation) or legalization policy (ie, creating a legal supply of cannabis along with the removal of penalties for possession of a small amount of cannabis for recreational use).Main outcome and measuresState cannabis possession arrest rate per 100 000 population.ResultsData from 38 states were examined, including 4 states with cannabis legalization policies and 7 states with cannabis decriminalization policies. The adult arrest rate decreased by 131.28 (95% CI, 106.23-154.21) per 100 000 population after the implementation of decriminalization and 168.50 (95% CI, 158.64-229.65) per 100 000 population after the implementation of legalization. The arrest rate for youths decreased by 60 (95% CI, 42-75) per 100 000 population after decriminalization but did not significantly change after legalization in a state (7 per 100 000 population; 95% CI, -15 to 30).Conclusions and relevanceLegalization, as implemented through 2016, did not appear to reduce arrests for cannabis possession among youths, despite having benefited adults. The study's findings suggest that decriminalization reduces youth arrests in most cases, but these findings also suggest that any benefit for youths could be lost when adult use has also been legalized. To address this problem, it appears that state decriminalization policies should take the additional step to explicitly describe when youths can be arrested for possession of small amounts of cannabis.
| S-EPMC6580444 | biostudies-literature