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Describing socio-economic variation in life expectancy according to an individual's education, occupation and wage in England and Wales: An analysis of the ONS Longitudinal Study.

ABSTRACT: People who live in more deprived areas have poorer health outcomes, and this inequality is a major driver of health and social policy. Many interventions targeting these disparities implicitly assume that poorer health is predominantly associated with area-level factors, and that these inequalities are the same for men and women. However, health differentials due to individual socio-economic status (SES) of men and women are less well documented. We used census data linked to the ONS Longitudinal Study to derive individual-level SES in terms of occupation, education and estimated wage, and examined differences in adult mortality and life expectancy. We modelled age-, sex- and SES-specific mortality using Poisson regression, and summarised mortality differences using life expectancy at age 20. We compared the results to those calculated using area-level deprivation metrics. Wide inequalities in life expectancy between SES groups were observed, although differences across SES groups were smaller for women than for men. The widest inequalities were found across men's education (7.2-year (95% CI: 3.0-10.1) difference in life expectancy between groups) and wage (7.0-year (95% CI: 3.5-9.8) difference), and women's education (5.4-year (95% CI: 2.2-8.1) difference). Men with no qualifications had the lowest life expectancy of all groups. In terms of the number of years' difference in life expectancy, the inequalities measured here with individual-level data were of a similar magnitude to inequalities identified previously using area-level deprivation metrics. These data show that health inequalities are as strongly related to individual SES as to area-level deprivation, highlighting the complementary usefulness of these different metrics. Indeed, poor outcomes are likely to be a product of both community and individual influences. Current policy which bases health spending decisions on evidence of inequalities between geographical areas may overlook individual-level SES inequalities for those living in affluent areas, as well as missing important sex differences.

SUBMITTER: Ingleby FC

PROVIDER: S-EPMC8131985 | biostudies-literature |

REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature

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Project description:BackgroundTo plan for pensions and health and social services, future mortality and life expectancy need to be forecast. Consistent forecasts for all subnational units within a country are very rare. Our aim was to forecast mortality and life expectancy for England and Wales' districts.MethodsWe developed Bayesian spatiotemporal models for forecasting of age-specific mortality and life expectancy at a local, small-area level. The models included components that accounted for mortality in relation to age, birth cohort, time, and space. We used geocoded mortality and population data between 1981 and 2012 from the Office for National Statistics together with the model with the smallest error to forecast age-specific death rates and life expectancy to 2030 for 375 of England and Wales' 376 districts. We measured model performance by withholding recent data and comparing forecasts with this withheld data.FindingsLife expectancy at birth in England and Wales was 79·5 years (95% credible interval 79·5-79·6) for men and 83·3 years (83·3-83·4) for women in 2012. District life expectancies ranged between 75·2 years (74·9-75·6) and 83·4 years (82·1-84·8) for men and between 80·2 years (79·8-80·5) and 87·3 years (86·0-88·8) for women. Between 1981 and 2012, life expectancy increased by 8·2 years for men and 6·0 years for women, closing the female-male gap from 6·0 to 3·8 years. National life expectancy in 2030 is expected to reach 85·7 (84·2-87·4) years for men and 87·6 (86·7-88·9) years for women, further reducing the female advantage to 1·9 years. Life expectancy will reach or surpass 81·4 years for men and reach or surpass 84·5 years for women in every district by 2030. Longevity inequality across districts, measured as the difference between the 1st and 99th percentiles of district life expectancies, has risen since 1981, and is forecast to rise steadily to 8·3 years (6·8-9·7) for men and 8·3 years (7·1-9·4) for women by 2030.InterpretationPresent forecasts underestimate the expected rise in life expectancy, especially for men, and hence the need to provide improved health and social services and pensions for elderly people in England and Wales. Health and social policies are needed to curb widening life expectancy inequalities, help deprived districts catch up in longevity gains, and avoid a so-called grand divergence in health and longevity.FundingUK Medical Research Council and Public Health England.

Project description:BackgroundReliable estimation of future trends in life expectancy and the burden of disability is crucial for ageing societies. Previous forecasts have not considered the potential impact of trends in disease incidence. The present prediction model combines population trends in cardiovascular disease, dementia, disability, and mortality to forecast trends in life expectancy and the burden of disability in England and Wales up to 2025.MethodsWe developed and validated the IMPACT-Better Ageing Model-a probabilistic model that tracks the population aged 35-100 years through ten health states characterised by the presence or absence of cardiovascular disease, dementia, disability (difficulty with one or more activities of daily living) or death up to 2025, by use of evidence-based age-specific, sex-specific, and year-specific transition probabilities. As shown in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing, we projected continuing declines in dementia incidence (2·7% per annum), cardiovascular incidence, and mortality. The model estimates disability prevalence and disabled and disability-free life expectancy by year.FindingsBetween 2015 and 2025, the number of people aged 65 years and older will increase by 19·4% (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 17·7-20·9), from 10·4 million (10·37-10·41 million) to 12·4 million (12·23-12·57 million). The number living with disability will increase by 25·0% (95% UI 21·3-28·2), from 2·25 million (2·24-2·27 million) to 2·81 million (2·72-2·89 million). The age-standardised prevalence of disability among this population will remain constant, at 21·7% (95% UI 21·5-21·8) in 2015 and 21·6% (21·3-21·8) in 2025. Total life expectancy at age 65 years will increase by 1·7 years (95% UI 0·1-3·6), from 20·1 years (19·9-20·3) to 21·8 years (20·2-23·6). Disability-free life expectancy at age 65 years will increase by 1·0 years (95% UI 0·1-1·9), from 15·4 years (15·3-15·5) to 16·4 years (15·5-17·3). However, life expectancy with disability will increase more in relative terms, with an increase of roughly 15% from 2015 (4·7 years, 95% UI 4·6-4·8) to 2025 (5·4 years, 4·7-6·4).InterpretationThe number of older people with care needs will expand by 25% by 2025, mainly reflecting population ageing rather than an increase in prevalence of disability. Lifespans will increase further in the next decade, but a quarter of life expectancy at age 65 years will involve disability.FundingBritish Heart Foundation.

Project description:Background and aimsWhen measuring inequalities in health, public health and addiction research has tended to focus on differences in average life-span between socio-economic groups. This does not account for the extent to which age of death varies between individuals within socio-economic groups or whether this variation differs between groups. This study assesses (1) socio-economic inequalities in both average life-span and variation in age at death, (2) the extent to which these inequalities can be attributed to alcohol-specific causes (i.e. those attributable only to alcohol) and (3) how this contribution has changed over time.DesignCause-deleted life table analysis of national mortality records.SettingEngland and Wales, 2001-16.CasesAll-cause and alcohol-specific deaths for all adults aged 18+, stratified by sex, age and quintiles of the index of multiple deprivation (IMD).MeasurementsLife expectancy at age 18 yearss and standard deviation in age at death within IMD quintiles and the contribution of alcohol to overall differences in both measures between the highest and lowest IMD quintiles by comparing observed and cause-deleted inequality 'gaps'.FindingsIn 2016, alcohol-specific causes reduced life expectancy for men and women by 0.26 and 0.14 years, respectively, and increased the standard deviation in age at death. These causes also increased the inequality gap in life expectancy by 0.33 years for men and 0.17 years for women, and variation in age at death by 0.14 years and 0.13 years, respectively. For both measures, the contribution of alcohol to mortality inequalities rose after 2001 and subsequently fell back. For women, alcohol accounted for 3.6% of inequality in age at death and 6.0% of life-span uncertainty, suggesting that using only the former may underestimate alcohol-induced inequalities. There was no comparable difference for men.ConclusionsDeaths from alcohol-specific causes increase inequalities in both life expectancy and variation in age of death between socio-economic groups. Using both measures can provide a fuller picture of overall inequalities in health.

Project description:There is a strong negative correlation between increasing life expectancy and decreasing lifespan variation, a measure of inequality. Previous research suggests that countries achieving a high level of life expectancy later in time generally do so with lower lifespan variation than forerunner countries. This may be because they are able to capitalise on lessons already learnt. However, a few countries achieve a high level of life expectancy later in time with higher inequality. Scotland appears to be such a country and presents an interesting case study because it previously experienced lower inequality when reaching the same level of life expectancy as its closest comparator England and Wales. We calculated life expectancy and lifespan variation for Scotland and England and Wales for the years 1950 to 2012, comparing Scotland to England and Wales when it reached the same level of life expectancy later on in time, and assessed the difference in the level of lifespan variation. The lifespan variation difference between the two countries was then decomposed into age-specific components. Analysis was carried out for males and females separately. Since the 1950s Scotland has achieved the same level of life expectancy at least ten years later in time than England and Wales. Initially it did so with lower lifespan variation. Following the 1980s Scotland has been achieving the same level of life expectancy later in time than England and Wales and with higher inequality, particularly for males. Decomposition revealed that higher inequality is partly explained by lower older age mortality rates but primarily by higher premature adult age mortality rates when life expectancy is the same. Existing studies suggest that premature adult mortality rates are strongly associated with the social determinants of health and may be amenable to social and economic policies. So addressing these policy areas may have benefits for both inequality and population health in Scotland.

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Describing socio-economic variation in life expectancy according to an individual's education, occupation and wage in England and Wales: An analysis of the ONS Longitudinal Study.

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