Punitive Social Policy and Vital Inequality.
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ABSTRACT:
SUBMITTER: Nosrati E
PROVIDER: S-EPMC8435832 | biostudies-literature |
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature
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Project description:An influential policy idea states that reducing inequality is beneficial for improving health in the low and middle income countries (LMICs). Our study provides an empirical test of this idea: we utilized data collected by the Demographic and Health Surveys between 2000 and 2011 in as much as 52 LMICs, and we examined the relationship between household wealth inequality and two health outcomes: anemia status (of the children and their mothers) and the women' experience of child mortality. Based on multi-level analyses, we found that higher levels of household wealth inequality related to worse health, but this effect was strongly reduced when we took into account the level of individuals' wealth. However, even after accounting for the differences between individuals in terms of household wealth and other characteristics, in those LMICs with higher household wealth inequality more women experienced child mortality and more children were tested with anemia. This effect was partially mediated by the country's level and coverage of the health services and infrastructure. Furthermore, we found higher inequality to be related to a larger health gap between the poor and the rich in only one of the three examined samples. We conclude that an effective way to improve the health in the LMICs is to increase the wealth among the poor, which in turn also would lead to lower overall inequality and potential investments in public health infrastructure and services.
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Project description:AimsTo estimate the association between punitive policies for women with substance use during pregnancy and odds of neonatal abstinence syndrome (NAS) diagnosis among Medicaid-insured infants, and to estimate this association controlling for the presence of four other policies related to substance use in pregnancy.Design, setting and participantsAnalysis of live births in Medicaid claims data from 39 US states in varying years between 2006 and 2014 using weighted generalized linear models with clustered standard errors and state and year fixed-effects.MeasurementsNAS rates in states without punitive policies were compared with rates in states with policies before and after policy enactment using logistic regression models adjusted for individual and county-level factors and including state and year fixed-effects. We estimated odds of NAS controlling for the presence of a potentially treatment-deterring policy requiring reporting of suspected prenatal substance use, and three treatment-supportive policies that create targeted programs for pregnant and postpartum women, prioritize pregnant women's access to substance use disorder treatment programs and prohibit discrimination towards pregnant women in treatment programs.FindingsAmong 9 714 798 weighted live births (1 896 082 unweighted), 49 670 (0.51%) had an NAS diagnosis. The findings were inconclusive as to whether or not punitive policies were associated with odds of NAS either in the short or long term. Odds of NAS among infants born in states with reporting policies were lower than those born in states without such policies [adjusted odds ratio (aOR) = 0.77, 95% confidence interval (CI) = 0.61-0.98].ConclusionsIn the United States, punitive policies for women with substance use during pregnancy do not appear to be associated with lower odds of neonatal abstinence syndrome (NAS). Reporting policies, which are heterogenous in their components and implementation, appear to be associated with lower odds of NAS when controlling for other relevant policies.
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Project description:Publicly displayed, sexualized depictions of women have proliferated, enabled by new communication technologies, including the internet and mobile devices. These depictions are often claimed to be outcomes of a culture of gender inequality and female oppression, but, paradoxically, recent rises in sexualization are most notable in societies that have made strong progress toward gender parity. Few empirical tests of the relation between gender inequality and sexualization exist, and there are even fewer tests of alternative hypotheses. We examined aggregate patterns in 68,562 sexualized self-portrait photographs ("sexy selfies") shared publicly on Twitter and Instagram and their association with city-, county-, and cross-national indicators of gender inequality. We then investigated the association between sexy-selfie prevalence and income inequality, positing that sexualization-a marker of high female competition-is greater in environments in which incomes are unequal and people are preoccupied with relative social standing. Among 5,567 US cities and 1,622 US counties, areas with relatively more sexy selfies were more economically unequal but not more gender oppressive. A complementary pattern emerged cross-nationally (113 nations): Income inequality positively covaried with sexy-selfie prevalence, particularly within more developed nations. To externally validate our findings, we investigated and confirmed that economically unequal (but not gender-oppressive) areas in the United States also had greater aggregate sales in goods and services related to female physical appearance enhancement (beauty salons and women's clothing). Here, we provide an empirical understanding of what female sexualization reflects in societies and why it proliferates.
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Project description:In most contemporary societies, people underestimate the extent of economic inequality, resulting in lower support for taxation and redistribution than might be expressed by better informed citizens. We still know little, however, about how understandings of inequality arise, and therefore about where perceptions and misperceptions of it might come from. This methodological article takes one step toward filling this gap by developing a research design-a blueprint-to study how people's understandings of wealth and income inequality develop through social interaction. Our approach combines insights from recent scholarship highlighting the socially situated character of inequality beliefs with those of survey experimental work testing how information about inequality changes people's understandings of it. Specifically, we propose to use deliberative focus groups to approximate the interactional contexts in which individuals process information and form beliefs in social life. Leveraging an experimental methodology, our design then varies the social makeup of deliberative groups, as well as the information about inequality we share with participants, to explore how different types of social environments and information shape people's understandings of economic inequality. This should let us test, in particular, whether the low socioeconomic diversity of people's discussion and interaction networks relates to their tendency to underestimate inequality, and whether beliefs about opportunity explain people's lack of appetite for redistributive policies. In this exploratory article we motivate our methodological apparatus and describe its key features, before reflecting on the findings from a proof-of-concept study conducted in London in the fall of 2019.Supplementary informationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11211-022-00389-0.
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