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Sentence predictability modulates cortical response to phonetic ambiguity.

ABSTRACT: Phonetic categories have undefined edges, such that individual tokens that belong to different speech sound categories may occupy the same region in acoustic space. In continuous speech, there are multiple sources of top-down information (e.g., lexical, semantic) that help to resolve the identity of an ambiguous phoneme. Of interest is how these top-down constraints interact with ambiguity at the phonetic level. In the current fMRI study, participants passively listened to sentences that varied in semantic predictability and in the amount of naturally-occurring phonetic competition. The left middle frontal gyrus, angular gyrus, and anterior inferior frontal gyrus were sensitive to both semantic predictability and the degree of phonetic competition. Notably, greater phonetic competition within non-predictive contexts resulted in a negatively-graded neural response. We suggest that uncertainty at the phonetic-acoustic level interacts with uncertainty at the semantic level-perhaps due to a failure of the network to construct a coherent meaning.

SUBMITTER: Mechtenberg H

PROVIDER: S-EPMC8513138 | biostudies-literature | 2021 Jul

REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature

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Sentence predictability modulates cortical response to phonetic ambiguity.

Mechtenberg Hannah H Xie Xin X Myers Emily B EB

Brain and language 20210428

Phonetic categories have undefined edges, such that individual tokens that belong to different speech sound categories may occupy the same region in acoustic space. In continuous speech, there are multiple sources of top-down information (e.g., lexical, semantic) that help to resolve the identity of an ambiguous phoneme. Of interest is how these top-down constraints interact with ambiguity at the phonetic level. In the current fMRI study, participants passively listened to sentences that varied ...[more]

PMID: 33930722

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Project description:BackgroundDeficits in establishing and maintaining eye-contact are early and persistent vulnerabilities of autism spectrum disorder (ASD), and the neural bases of these deficits remain elusive. A promising hypothesis is that social features of autism may reflect difficulties in making predictions about the social world under conditions of uncertainty. However, no research in ASD has examined how predictability impacts the neural processing of eye-contact in naturalistic interpersonal interactions.MethodWe used eye tracking to facilitate an interactive social simulation wherein onscreen faces would establish eye-contact when the participant looked at them. In Experiment One, receipt of eye-contact was unpredictable; in Experiment Two, receipt of eye-contact was predictable. Neural response to eye-contact was measured via the N170 and P300 event-related potentials (ERPs). Experiment One included 23 ASD and 46 typically developing (TD) adult participants. Experiment Two included 25 ASD and 43 TD adult participants.ResultsWhen receipt of eye-contact was unpredictable, individuals with ASD showed increased N170 and increased, but non-specific, P300 responses. The magnitude of the N170 responses correlated with measures of sensory and anxiety symptomology, such that increased response to eye-contact was associated with increased symptomology. However, when receipt of eye-contact was predictable, individuals with ASD, relative to controls, exhibited slower N170s and no differences in the amplitude of N170 or P300.LimitationsOur ASD sample was composed of adults with IQ > 70 and included only four autistic women. Thus, further research is needed to evaluate how these results generalize across the spectrum of age, sex, and cognitive ability. Additionally, as analyses were exploratory, some findings failed to survive false-discovery rate adjustment.ConclusionsNeural response to eye-contact in ASD ranged from attenuated to hypersensitive depending on the predictability of the social context. These findings suggest that the vulnerabilities in eye-contact during social interactions in ASD may arise from differences in anticipation and expectation of eye-contact in addition to the perception of gaze alone.

Project description:ObjectivesListening to speech in adverse listening conditions is effortful. Objective assessment of cognitive spare capacity during listening can serve as an index of the effort needed to understand speech. Cognitive spare capacity is influenced both by signal-driven demands posed by listening conditions and top-down demands intrinsic to spoken language processing, such as memory use and semantic processing. Previous research indicates that electrophysiological responses, particularly alpha oscillatory power, may index listening effort. However, it is not known how these indices respond to memory and semantic processing demands during spoken language processing in adverse listening conditions. The aim of the present study was twofold: first, to assess the impact of memory demands on electrophysiological responses during recognition of degraded, spoken sentences, and second, to examine whether predictable sentence contexts increase or decrease cognitive spare capacity during listening.DesignCognitive demand was varied in a memory load task in which young adult participants (n = 20) viewed either low-load (one digit) or high-load (seven digits) sequences of digits, then listened to noise-vocoded spoken sentences that were either predictable or unpredictable, and then reported the final word of the sentence and the digits. Alpha oscillations in the frequency domain and event-related potentials in the time domain of the electrophysiological data were analyzed, as was behavioral accuracy for both words and digits.ResultsMeasured during sentence processing, event-related desynchronization of alpha power was greater (more negative) under high load than low load and was also greater for unpredictable than predictable sentences. A complementary pattern was observed for the P300/late positive complex (LPC) to sentence-final words, such that P300/LPC amplitude was reduced under high load compared with low load and for unpredictable compared with predictable sentences. Both words and digits were identified more quickly and accurately on trials in which spoken sentences were predictable.ConclusionsResults indicate that during a sentence-recognition task, both cognitive load and sentence predictability modulate electrophysiological indices of cognitive spare capacity, namely alpha oscillatory power and P300/LPC amplitude. Both electrophysiological and behavioral results indicate that a predictive sentence context reduces cognitive demands during listening. Findings contribute to a growing literature on objective measures of cognitive demand during listening and indicate predictable sentence context as a top-down factor that can support ease of listening.

Dataset Information

Sentence predictability modulates cortical response to phonetic ambiguity.

Publications

Sentence predictability modulates cortical response to phonetic ambiguity.

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