Dataset Information

Disparities in national and state estimates of COVID-19 vaccination receipt and intent to vaccinate by race/ethnicity, income, and age group among adults ≥ 18 years, United States.

ABSTRACT:

Introduction

COVID-19 morbidity and mortality has disproportionately affected vulnerable populations such as minority racial/ethnic groups. Understanding disparities in vaccine intentions and reasons for vaccine hesitancy are important for developing effective strategies for ameliorating racial/ethnic COVID-19 inequities.

Methods

Using six waves of the large, nationally representative Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey data from January 6-March 29, 2021 (n = 459,235), we examined national and state estimates for vaccination intent, defined as receipt of ≥ 1 dose of the COVID-19 vaccine or definite intent to be vaccinated, by race/ethnicity with stratification by household income and age group. In separate logistic regression models, we also examined the interaction between race/ethnicity and household income, and race/ethnicity and age group, and its association with vaccination intent. Lastly, we examined reasons for not vaccinating by race/ethnicity.

Results

Vaccination intent differed by racial/ethnic group, household income, and age group nationally and by Health and Human Services (HHS) region and state. A significant interaction was observed between race/ethnicity and household income (F(8,72) = 4.50, p < 0.001), and race/ethnicity and age group (F(8,72) = 15.66, p < 0.001). Non-Hispanic Black adults with lower income (<$35,000) and younger age (18-49 years) were least likely to intend to vaccinate. Similar disparities across racial/ethnic groups were seen across most HHS regions and states. Concerns about possible side effects and effectiveness were significantly higher among all minority groups compared to non-Hispanic White adults.

Conclusion

Disparities in vaccination intent by racial/ethnic groups underscore the need for interventions and recommendations designed to improve vaccination coverage and confidence in underserved communities, such as younger and lower income racial/ethnic minority groups. Efforts to reduce disparities and barriers to vaccination are needed to achieve equity in vaccination coverage, and ultimately, to curb COVID-19 transmission.

SUBMITTER: Nguyen KH

PROVIDER: S-EPMC8598948 | biostudies-literature |

REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature

ACCESS DATA

Similar Datasets

Project description:BACKGROUND:Few studies have investigated air pollution exposure disparities by race/ethnicity and income across criteria air pollutants, locations, or time. OBJECTIVE:The objective of this study was to quantify exposure disparities by race/ethnicity and income throughout the contiguous United States for six criteria air pollutants, during the period 1990 to 2010. METHODS:We quantified exposure disparities among racial/ethnic groups (non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic (any race), non-Hispanic Asian) and by income for multiple spatial units (contiguous United States, states, urban vs. rural areas) and years (1990, 2000, 2010) for carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen dioxide (NO2), ozone (O3), particulate matter with aerodynamic diameter ≤2.5μm (PM2.5; excluding year-1990), particulate matter with aerodynamic diameter ≤10μm (PM10), and sulfur dioxide (SO2). We used census data for demographic information and a national empirical model for ambient air pollution levels. RESULTS:For all years and pollutants, the racial/ethnic group with the highest national average exposure was a racial/ethnic minority group. In 2010, the disparity between the racial/ethnic group with the highest vs. lowest national-average exposure was largest for NO2 [54% (4.6 ppb)], smallest for O3 [3.6% (1.6 ppb)], and intermediate for the remaining pollutants (13%-19%). The disparities varied by U.S. state; for example, for PM2.5 in 2010, exposures were at least 5% higher than average in 63% of states for non-Hispanic Black populations; in 33% and 26% of states for Hispanic and for non-Hispanic Asian populations, respectively; and in no states for non-Hispanic White populations. Absolute exposure disparities were larger among racial/ethnic groups than among income categories (range among pollutants: between 1.1 and 21 times larger). Over the period studied, national absolute racial/ethnic exposure disparities declined by between 35% (0.66μg/m3; PM2.5) and 88% (0.35 ppm; CO); relative disparities declined to between 0.99× (PM2.5; i.e., nearly zero change) and 0.71× (CO; i.e., a ∼29% reduction). DISCUSSION:As air pollution concentrations declined during the period 1990 to 2010, absolute (and to a lesser extent, relative) racial/ethnic exposure disparities also declined. However, in 2010, racial/ethnic exposure disparities remained across income levels, in urban and rural areas, and in all states, for multiple pollutants. https://doi.org/10.1289/EHP8584.

Project description:IntroductionAlthough access to a motor vehicle is essential for pursuing social and economic opportunity and ensuring health and well-being, states have increasingly used driver's license suspensions as a means of compelling compliance with a variety of laws and regulations unrelated to driving, including failure to pay a fine or appear in court. Little known about the population of suspended drivers and what geographic resources may be available to them to help mitigate the impact of a suspension.MethodsUsing data from the New Jersey Safety Health Outcomes (NJ-SHO) data warehouse 2004-2018, we compared characteristics of suspended drivers, their residential census tract, as well as access to public transportation and jobs, by reason for the suspension (driving or non-driving related). In addition, we examined trends in the incidence and prevalence of driving- and non-driving-related suspensions by sub-type over time.ResultsWe found that the vast majority (91%) of license suspensions were for non-driving-related events, with the most common reason for a suspension being failure to pay a fine. Compared to drivers with a driving-related suspension or no suspension, non-driving-related suspended drivers lived in census tracts with a lower household median income, higher proportion of black and Hispanic residents and higher unemployment rates, but also better walkability scores and better access to public transportation and jobs.ConclusionsOur study contributes to a growing literature that shows, despite public perception that they are meant to address traffic safety, the majority of suspensions are for non-driving-related events. Further, these non-driving-related suspensions are most common in low-income communities and communities with a high-proportion of black and Hispanic residents. Although non-driving-related suspensions are also concentrated in communities with better access to public transportation and nearby jobs, additional work is needed to determine what effect this has for the social and economic well-being of suspended drivers.