Geographic Disparities in Rising Rates of Firearm-Related Homicide.
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ABSTRACT:
SUBMITTER: Smart R
PROVIDER: S-EPMC9746702 | biostudies-literature | 2022 Jul
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature
Publications
Geographic Disparities in Rising Rates of Firearm-Related Homicide.
Smart Rosanna R Schell Terry L TL Morral Andrew R AR Nicosia Nancy N
The New England journal of medicine 20220701 2
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Project description:A loophole in US gun policy is that people can purchase guns from private sellers without going through any background check. Some states have addressed this loophole by requiring universal background checks for all gun sales, either at the point of sale or through a permit system; however, most studies on the effectiveness of universal background checks have not analyzed these 2 policy mechanisms separately. To assess the association of point-of-sale background check law and gun permit law, separately, with firearm homicide rates from 1976 through 2022 using the same methods and model specification. This cross-sectional study used a difference-in-differences, fixed-effects regression model to evaluate firearm laws and firearm homicide rates in 48 states from 1976 through 2022. Data were obtained for 48 states except New Hampshire and Vermont and were analyzed in January 2024. Implementation of either the law requiring a universal background check at point of sale for all firearms without a permit or the laws combining universal background checks and a state permit requirement for all gun purchasers. Annual, state-specific rates of firearm homicide per 100 000 people. From 1976 through 2022, 12 states adopted the universal background check laws without permitting requirements and 7 states implemented gun permit laws covering all firearms. The mean (SD) firearm homicide rate was 4.3 (0.1) per 100 000 people. Universal background checks for all firearms alone (without a state permitting system) were not associated with overall homicide rates (percentage change, 1.3%; 95% CI, -6.9% to 10.4%) or firearm homicide rates (percentage change, 3.7%; 95% CI, -5.3% to 13.6%). A law requiring a permit for the purchase of all firearms was associated with significantly lower overall homicide rates (percentage change, -15.4%; 95% CI, -28.5% to -0.01%) and firearm homicide rates (percentage change, -18.3%; 95% CI, -32.0% to -1.9%). This cross-sectional study found that universal background checks alone were not associated with firearm homicide rates, but a permit requirement for the purchase and possession of firearms was associated with substantially reduced rates of firearm homicide. The findings suggest that combining universal background checks and permit-to-purchase requirements is an effective strategy for firearm-related fatality reduction.
| S-EPMC11294962 | biostudies-literature
Project description:IntroductionStructural racism is strongly related to racial health disparities. However, surprisingly few studies have developed empirical tools to measure structural racism. In addition, the few measures that have been employed have only considered structural racism at the neighborhood level. To expand upon previous studies, this paper uses a novel measure to measure structural racism at the county level for the non-Hispanic Black population.MethodsWe used confirmatory factor analysis to create a model to measure the latent construct of structural racism for 1181 US counties. The model included five indicators across five dimensions: racial segregation, incarceration, educational attainment, employment, and economic status/wealth. Structural equation modeling and factor analysis were used to generate factor scores that weighted the indicators in order to produce the best model fit. The resulting factor scores represented the level of structural racism in each county. We demonstrated the utility of this measure by demonstrating its strong correlation with Black-White disparities in firearm homicide rates.ResultsOur calculations revealed striking geographic differences across counties in the magnitude of structural racism, with the highest values generally being observed in the Midwest and Northeast. Structural racism was significantly associated with higher Black firearm homicide rates, lower White homicide rates, and a higher Black-White racial disparity in firearm homicide.ConclusionsThese new measures can be utilized by researchers to relate structural racism to racial health disparities at the county level.
| S-EPMC9744051 | biostudies-literature
Project description: Not available
| S-EPMC11334003 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Inequality in economic and social outcomes across U.S. regions has grown in recent decades. The economic theory of crime predicts that this increased variability would raise geographic disparities in violent crime. Instead, I find that geographic disparities in homicide rates decreased. Moreover, these same decades saw decreases in the geographic disparities in policing, incarceration, and the share of the population that is African American. Thus, changes in policing, incarcerations, and racial composition could have led to a decrease in inequality in homicide rates. Moreover, the joint provision of law enforcement by local, state, and federal authorities may have reduced the impact of economic distress on violent crime.
| S-EPMC11355549 | biostudies-literature
Project description:BackgroundFirearm homicides occur less frequently in US states with more firearm control laws. However, firearms are easily transported across state lines, and laws in one location may affect firearm violence in another. This study examined associations between within-state firearm laws and firearm homicide while accounting for interference from laws in other nearby states.MethodsThe units of analysis were 3,107 counties in the 48 contiguous US states, arrayed in 15 yearly panels for 2000 to 2014 (n = 46,605). The dependent measure was firearm homicides accessed from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Compressed Mortality Data. The main independent measures were counts of firearm laws and the proportion of laws within categories (e.g., background checks, child access prevention laws). We calculated these measures for interstate laws using a geographic gravity function between county centroids. Bayesian conditional autoregressive Poisson models related within-state firearm laws and interstate firearm laws to firearm homicides.ResultsThere were 172,726 firearm homicides in the included counties over the 15 years. States had between 3 and 100 firearm laws. Within-state firearm laws (incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 0.995, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.992, 0.997) and interstate firearm laws (IRR = 0.993, 95% CI = 0.990, 0.996) were independently associated with fewer firearm homicides, and associations for within-state laws were strongest where interstate laws were weakest.ConclusionsAdditional firearm laws are associated with fewer firearm homicides both within the states where the laws are enacted and elsewhere in the United States. Interference from interstate firearm laws may bias associations for studies of within-state laws and firearm homicide.
| S-EPMC7708450 | biostudies-literature
Project description:In the USA, the relationship between the legal availability of guns and the firearm-related homicide rate has been debated. It has been argued that unrestricted gun availability promotes the occurrence of firearm-induced homicides. It has also been pointed out that gun possession can protect potential victims when attacked. This paper provides a first mathematical analysis of this tradeoff, with the goal to steer the debate towards arguing about assumptions, statistics, and scientific methods. The model is based on a set of clearly defined assumptions, which are supported by available statistical data, and is formulated axiomatically such that results do not depend on arbitrary mathematical expressions. According to this framework, two alternative scenarios can minimize the gun-related homicide rate: a ban of private firearms possession, or a policy allowing the general population to carry guns. Importantly, the model identifies the crucial parameters that determine which policy minimizes the death rate, and thus serves as a guide for the design of future epidemiological studies. The parameters that need to be measured include the fraction of offenders that illegally possess a gun, the degree of protection provided by gun ownership, and the fraction of the population who take up their right to own a gun and carry it when attacked. Limited data available in the literature were used to demonstrate how the model can be parameterized, and this preliminary analysis suggests that a ban of private firearm possession, or possibly a partial reduction in gun availability, might lower the rate of firearm-induced homicides. This, however, should not be seen as a policy recommendation, due to the limited data available to inform and parameterize the model. However, the model clearly defines what needs to be measured, and provides a basis for a scientific discussion about assumptions and data.
| S-EPMC3724776 | biostudies-literature
Project description:BackgroundSubstance-related interactions with the criminal justice system are a potential touchpoint to identify people at risk for firearm violence. We used an agent-based model to simulate the change in firearm violence after disqualifying people from owning a firearm given prior alcohol- and drug-related misdemeanors.MethodsWe created a population of 800,000 agents reflecting a 15% sample of the adult New York City population.ResultsDisqualification from purchasing firearms for 5 years after an alcohol-related misdemeanor conviction reduced population-level rates of firearm homicide by 1.0% [95% CI 0.4-1.6%] and suicide by 3.0% [95% CI 1.9-4.0%]. Disqualification based on a drug-related misdemeanor conviction reduced homicide by 1.6% [95% CI 1.1-2.2%] and suicide by 4.6% [95% CI 3.4-5.8%]. Reductions were generally 2 to 8 times larger for agents meeting the disqualification criteria.ConclusionsDenying firearm access based on a history of drug and alcohol misdemeanors may reduce firearm violence among the high-risk group. Enactment of substance use-related firearms denial criteria needs to be balanced against concerns about introducing new sources of disenfranchisement among already vulnerable populations.
| S-EPMC9185952 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Canada implemented a series of laws regulating firearms including background checks and licensing, references, psychological questionnaires, prohibition of paramilitary style rifles, and magazine capacity restrictions in order to decrease the incidences and deaths from mass shootings. The associated effects of these laws were examined over the years 1974 to 2020. A model was constructed using difference-in-differences analysis of firearms and non-firearms mass homicide incidences and death rates. Mass homicides were defined as a homicide due to one event involving three or more deaths. Incidence rates of mass homicide by firearm were found to be 0.11 (95%CI 0.08, 0.14) per million compared to a non-firearm mass homicide rate of 0.12 (95% CI 0.10, 0.15) per million. Mass homicide death rates by firearm were found to be 0.39 (95% CI 0.29, 0.49) per million compared to a non-firearm mass homicide rate of 0.47 (95% CI 0.34, 0.61) per million. Overall, there is a gradual declining trend in the incidence of mass homicide by firearm (IRR 0.97 (95% CI 0.96, 0.98)) and by non-firearm (IRR 0.97 (95% CI 0.97, 0.98)). The decline in mass homicide death rate by firearm and non-firearm is IRR 0.96 (95% CI 0.95, 0.97), and IRR 0.97 (95% CI 0.96, 0.98) respectively. No specific associated decrease in mass homicide incidence rates or death rates with firearms legislation was found after the implementation of background checks and prohibition of full auto firearms in 1980, by the implementation of references and psychological questionnaires in 1994, by the restriction of magazine capacity in 1994, the prohibition of paramilitary rifles in 1994, or licensing in 2001.
| S-EPMC9897543 | biostudies-literature
Project description:BackgroundFirearm-related violence is a leading cause of mortality in the United States (US). Prior research suggests that public policy plays a role in firearm mortality, but the role of healthcare resources (physicians, insurance coverage) within the US policy context has not yet been studied.ObjectiveTo examine how healthcare resources and social/firearm policy affect firearm-related suicide and homicide rates in the US.DesignLongitudinal, ecological study.SettingUS.ParticipantsUS states from 2012 to 2016 (N = 242).MeasurementThe outcome variables were age-adjusted, firearm-related suicide and homicide rates. Predictor variables were healthcare resources (physicians, Medicaid benefits generosity) and policy context (social policy, firearm policy) with covariates for sociodemographic factors.ResultsHealthcare provider variables did not have significant associations to firearm-related suicide or homicide. In fully saturated models, more worker protection laws, greater average population density, more alcohol regulation, and more firearm prohibition policies were associated with fewer firearm-related suicides. Higher generosity of Medicaid benefits was associated with fewer firearm-related homicides. Poverty rate was a predictor of both outcomes.LimitationsThis state-level study cannot make individual-level inferences. Only proxy variables were available for measuring gun ownership and actual gun ownership rates may not have been ideally captured at the state level.ConclusionsAt the state level, there are protective associations of certain social, healthcare, and firearm policies to firearm-related suicide and homicide rates. Healthcare resources play a role in population-level firearm outcomes but alone are not sufficient to decrease firearm-related homicide or suicide.
| S-EPMC7352015 | biostudies-literature
Project description:BackgroundFirearm violence is one of the leading preventable causes of death and injury in the United States and is on the rise. While policies regulating access to firearms offer opportunities to prevent firearm-related deaths, an understanding of the holistic impact of changing state firearm policies on firearm homicide rates over the last 30 years is limited.ObjectivesTo identify US states that showed unexpected decreases and increases in firearm homicide rates and summarise their firearm policy changes in the last three decades.MethodsWe analysed changes in firearm homicide rates by US state and county from 1990 to 2019. We triangulated across three estimation approaches to derive state rankings and identify the top and bottom three states which consistently showed unexpected decreases (low outliers) and increases (high outliers) in firearm homicide rates. We summarised firearm policy changes in state outliers using the RAND State Firearm Law Database.ResultsWe identified New York, District of Columbia, and Hawaii as low state outliers and Delaware, New Jersey, and Missouri as high state outliers. Low state outliers made more restrictive firearm policy changes than high state outliers, which covered a wider range of policy types. Restrictive changes in high state outliers primarily targeted high-risk populations (e.g., prohibited possessors, safe storage). Specific legislative details, such as the age threshold (18 vs 21 years old) for firearm minimum age requirements, also emerged as important for differentiating low from high state outliers.ConclusionsWhile no firearm law change emerged as necessary or sufficient, an accumulation of diverse restrictive firearm policies may be key to alleviating the death toll from firearm homicide.
| S-EPMC10024039 | biostudies-literature