Time use of youths by immigrant and native-born parents: ATUS results.
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ABSTRACT:
SUBMITTER: Kofman Y
PROVIDER: S-EPMC4439208 | biostudies-other | 2012 Jun
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-other
Publications
Time use of youths by immigrant and native-born parents: ATUS results.
Kofman Yelizavetta Y Bianchi Suzanne M SM
Monthly labor review 20120601 6
A study based on the American Time Use Survey finds that, although native-born and immigrant youths pass their days in similar ways, Latino and Asian immigrant youths spend more time studying and less time in paid employment than do native-born youths; more time devoted to study may be a mechanism by which immigrants achieve educational mobility. ...[more]
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Project description:ImportanceThe association of state-level immigrant policies with uninsurance among Latino youths remains unknown.ObjectiveTo assess the association of state-level immigrant integration and criminalization policies with health insurance coverage among US-born Latino youths by maternal citizenship.Design, setting, and participantsThis cross-sectional study analyzed secondary data from the American Community Survey, January 1, 2016, to December 31, 2018, for US-born Latino youths (age, ≤17 years) and their mothers (age, 18-64 years) as well as state-level indicators of immigrant integration and criminalization policies (in all 50 states and the District of Columbia).ExposuresImmigrant integration and criminalization policies.Main outcomes and measuresThe main outcome was maternal reports of youth uninsurance status at the time of the American Community Survey interview. Variation in youth uninsurance by maternal citizenship, state immigrant integration policy context, and state immigrant criminalization policy context were examined. All analyses were conducted with weighted survey data.ResultsOf the 226 691 US-born Latino youths (115 431 [50.92%] male; mean [SD] age, 7.66 [4.92] years) included in the study, 36.64% (95% CI, 36.21%-36.92%) had noncitizen mothers. Overall, 7.09% (95% CI, 6.78%-7.41%) of noncitizen mothers reported that their youths were uninsured compared with 4.68% (95% CI, 4.49%-4.88%) of citizen mothers. Of uninsured youths who resided in states with a low level of immigrant integration policies, 9.10% (8.22%-10.06%) had noncitizen mothers and 4.75% (95% CI, 4.19%-5.37%) had citizen mothers; of uninsured youths who resided in states with high criminalization policies, 9.37% (95% CI, 8.90%-9.87%) had noncitizen mothers and 5.91% (95% CI, 5.64%-6.20%) had citizen mothers. In states with few immigrant integration policies, the probability of uninsurance among youths with noncitizen mothers was 3.3% (95% CI, 2.3%-4.4%) higher than that among youths with citizen mothers. Among youths with noncitizen mothers, the difference in the probability of uninsurance between those residing in states with a low level vs a high level of immigrant integration policies was 2.1% (95% CI, 0.6%-3.6%). Among youths residing in states with high levels of immigrant criminalization policies, those with noncitizen mothers had a 2.6% (95% CI, 1.9%-3.0%) higher probability of being uninsured compared with those whose mothers were citizens. Among youths with noncitizen mothers, the difference in the probability of uninsurance between those who resided in a state with a low level vs a state with a high level of immigrant criminalization policies was 1.7% (95% CI, 0.7%-2.7%).Conclusions and relevanceThe findings of this cross-sectional study suggest that among US-born Latino youths, disparities in uninsurance by maternal citizenship are associated with state-level immigrant integration and criminalization policies and that anti-immigrant policies may be associated with disparities in health care access for US-born Latino youths.
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Project description:Background:The number of immigrants worldwide is growing and migration might be a risk factor for the mental health of children. A reliable instrument is needed to measure immigrants' childrens mental health. The aim of the study was to test the measurement invariance of the parent version of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) between German native, Turkish origin and Russian origin immigrant parents in Germany. The SDQ is one of the most frequently used screening instruments for mental health disorders in children. Methods:Differential Item Functioning (DIF) was tested in samples matched by socio-economic status, age and gender of the child. A logistic regression/item response theory hybrid method and a multiple indicators- multiple causes model (MIMIC) was used to test for DIF. Multi Group Confirmatory Factor analysis (MGCFA) was used to test for configural invariance. Parent reports of 10610 German native, 534 Russian origin and 668 Turkish origin parents of children aged 3-17 years were analysed. Results:DIF items were found in both groups and with both methods. We did not find an adequate fit of the original five factor model of the SDQ for the Turkish origin group, but for the Russian origin group. An analysis of functional equivalence indicated that the SDQ is equally useful for the screening of mental health disorders in all three groups. Conclusion:Using the SDQ in order to compare the parent reports of native and immigrant parents should be done cautiously. Thus, the use of the SDQ in epidemiological studies and for prevention planning is questionable. However, the SDQ turns out to be a valid instrument for screening purposes in parents of native and immigrant children.
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Project description:This paper demonstrates that immigration decisions depend on local labor market conditions by documenting the change in low-skilled immigrant inflows in response to supply increases among the US-born. Using pre-reform welfare participation rates as an instrument for changes in native labor supply, I find that immigrants competing with native entrants systematically prefer cities with smaller supply shocks. The extent of the response is substantial: for each native woman working due to reform, 0.5 fewer female immigrants enter the local labor force. These results provide direct evidence that international migration flows tend to equilibrate returns across US local labor markets.
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Project description:OBJECTIVE:To examine the use of hormonal contraceptives among immigrant and native women in Norway. DESIGN:Nationwide registry-based study based on merged data from the Norwegian Prescription Database, the Norwegian Population Registry, the Regular General Practitioner Database and the Medical Birth Registry. SETTING:Norway. SAMPLE:All women born abroad to two foreign-born parents (immigrants), or born in Norway to two Norwegian-born parents (natives) aged 16-45 years, who lived in Norway in 2008. METHODS:Data on all collected supplies of hormonal contraceptives in 2008 were merged with demographic, socio-economic and immigration data, information on any delivery and women's general practitioners. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES:User rates of hormonal contraception and predictors of contraceptive use. RESULTS:A total of 893,073 women were included, of whom 130,080 were immigrants. More native women (38%) used hormonal contraceptives compared with all immigrant groups (15-24%). The odds ratios for any use of hormonal contraceptives for immigrants compared with Norwegian-born women were; Nordic countries 0.53, South and Central America 0.53, Western countries 0.39, Asia 0.30, Eastern Europe 0.29, Africa 0.29. Work, education, long stay in Norway and young age of immigration predicted the use of hormonal contraceptives among immigrants. CONCLUSIONS:The use of hormonal contraceptives varies between natives and immigrant groups. Further work is needed to ascertain whether these differences can be explained by higher desires for fertility, preferential use of non-hormonal contraceptives or other reasons identified through qualitative research.
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Project description:ImportanceThe immigrant population in the US has low health insurance coverage. Surveys find that approximately one-half of the US population is opposed to public health insurance of immigrants, and there is a widely held belief that immigrants are a state fiscal liability.ObjectiveTo estimate the cost of providing public health insurance to immigrants in the US.Design, setting, and participantsThis serial cross-sectional study used restricted data from the 2011 to 2019 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (and data from 2011-2020 in supplemental analyses). The data are nationally representative of the US civilian noninstitutionalized population. Participants included adults aged 19 to 64 years with family incomes below 138% of the Federal Poverty Level, the population that benefited from the Medicaid expansions. Data analysis was performed from November 2022 to August 2023.ExposuresState Medicaid expansion.Main outcomes and measuresThe primary outcomes were insurance coverage, total health care expenditures, expenditures categorized by payment source (paid by self or family and paid by others), expenditures by major health care type (office based, inpatient, and prescription), and health care utilization (number of office-based visits, outpatient facility visits, emergency department visits, hospital discharges, dental care visits, home health clinician days, and prescription medicine refills). A difference-in-differences method was used to compare the health care cost and utilization by low-income, working-age US-born and immigrant adults in states that adopted the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansions with the corresponding change in nonexpansion states before and after the policy implementation.ResultsAmong the study sample of 44 482 individuals (mean [SD] age, 38.5 [14.0] years; 25 221 female individuals [56.7%]; 34 052 [76.6%] US born), 46% of immigrant adults (1953 participants) and 70% of US-born adults (9396 participants) had insurance coverage in the pre-ACA period. Medicaid expansions increased insurance coverage of both groups by 7 percentage points (95% CI, 3 to 11 percentage points). The resulting change in health care increased total expenditures (self-paid plus insurer paid) by $660 (95% CI, $79 to $1242) and insurer-paid expenditures by $745 (95% CI, $141 to $1350) per US-born adult. For immigrant adults, the corresponding changes in total ($266; 95% CI, -$348 to $880) and insurer-paid ($308; 95% CI, -$352 to $968) expenditures were small and not statistically significant. Estimates suggest that providing insurance to immigrants costs the health care system approximately $3800 per person per year, less than one-half the corresponding cost ($9428 per person per year) for US-born adults.Conclusions and relevanceThese findings suggest that the direct cost of providing public health insurance to immigrants is less than that for the US born, and immigrants' health care utilization, upon coverage, remains comparatively modest, thus refuting the notion that providing insurance to immigrants imposes a heavy fiscal burden.
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Project description:BackgroundWomen's participation in decision-making in the household is an indicator of women's empowerment. Few studies have compared domestic decision-making power and its effect on postpartum health between immigrant and native-born women. This study aimed to examine the effect of domestic decision-making power and social support during pregnancy on predicting postpartum depressive and physical symptoms among immigrant and native-born mothers in Taiwan.Methods and findingsThis prospective study recruited 177 marriage-based immigrant mothers and 230 native-born women who were at least twelve weeks pregnant from hospitals, clinics and health centers. Data were collected in the 2nd or 3rd trimester of pregnancy and at 3 months postpartum from March 2013 to March 2015. Postpartum depression and the severity of postpartum physical symptoms were measured using the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale, and a 17-item, 4-point Likert scale, respectively. Linear regression was used to examine the relationship between "domestic decision-making power and social support during pregnancy" and "depressive and physical symptoms at 3 months postpartum." Women who had lower domestic decision-making power and social support during pregnancy had higher postpartum depressive and physical symptoms. Those women with full-time employment and insufficient family income had higher postpartum depressive symptoms. Though immigrant women scored lower in domestic decision-making power and social support than native-born women, they had lower mean scores in postpartum depressive and physical symptoms. After accounting for the abovementioned factors, immigrant women remained at lower risk for postpartum depressive and physical symptoms than native-born women. There was significant interaction between domestic decision-making power and immigrant status, suggesting that the association between domestic decision-making and postpartum depressive and physical symptoms was smaller for immigrants than for native women.ConclusionsDomestic decision-making power and social support during pregnancy are protective predictors of postpartum depressive and physical symptoms. However, the effect of domestic decision-making power appeared to be less salient for immigrants, probably due to the "healthy immigrant effect" and/or lower expectations toward domestic decision-making power among immigrants. The finding that immigrant women demonstrated a lower level of domestic decision-making power suggests that empowerment issues need to be addressed among immigrants.
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Project description:BackgroundQualitative studies suggest that immigrant women experience barriers for postpartum depression (PPD) screening. This study examines the prevalence of participation in PPD screening in the universal home-visiting programme in Denmark, in relation to migrant status and its association with acculturation factors, such as length of residence and age at migration.MethodsThe sample consists of 77 694 births from 72 292 mothers (2015-18) that participated in the programme and were registered in the National Child Health Database. Lack of PPD screening using the Edinburgh Postpartum Depression Scale (EPDS) was examined in relation to migrant group and acculturation factors. We used Poisson regression with cluster robust standard errors to estimate crude and adjusted relative risk.ResultsIn total, 27.8% of Danish-born women and 54.7% of immigrant women lacked screening. Compared with Danish-born women, immigrant women in all groups were more likely to lack PPD screening (aRR ranging from 1.81 to 1.90). Women with low acculturation were more likely to lack screening. Women who migrated as adults [aRR = 1.27 (95% CI 1.16, 1.38)] and women who had resided in Demark for <5 years [aRR = 1.37 (95% CI 1.28, 1.46)] were more likely to lack screening.ConclusionsImmigrant women in Denmark, particularly recent immigrants, are at increased risk of not being screened for PPD using the EPDS. This can lead to under-recognition of PPD among immigrant women. More work is needed to understand how health visitors recognize the mental health needs of immigrant women who are not screened, and whether this gap results in reduced use of mental health services.
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Project description:ObjectiveTo identify which states achieve comparable enrollment rates for Medicaid-eligible, citizen children with immigrant and nonimmigrant parents.Data sourceA total of 810,345 Medicaid-eligible, citizen children drawn from the 2008-2010 American Community Survey.Study designThis study estimates a state fixed-effects probit model of uninsured status for Medicaid-eligible, citizen children. State and immigrant family interaction variables test whether citizen children in immigrant families have a higher probability of remaining uninsured compared to children in nonimmigrant families. Simulations predict the uninsured rates for Medicaid eligible children in immigrant and nonimmigrant families and rank states by the differences between the two groups.Principal findingsWhile some states have insignificant and near zero differences in predicted uninsured rates, many states have enrollment disparities reaching 20 percent points between citizen children with immigrant and nonimmigrant parents.ConclusionsMany states have large differences in enrollment rates between their Medicaid-eligible, citizen children with immigrant and nonimmigrant parents. Addressing these enrollment disparities could improve the health status of citizen children in immigrant families and earn Children's Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act bonus payments for many states.
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