Household crowding can have political effects: An empirical study on support for anti-democratic political systems during the COVID-19 lockdown in Italy.
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ABSTRACT:
SUBMITTER: Cavazza N
PROVIDER: S-EPMC8444628 | biostudies-literature |
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature
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Project description:Many countries have adopted various measures to curb the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. The regulation measures of lockdown have triggered changes in public political trust in the government (including in its competence, benevolence and integrity). Information shapes the attitudes and values of residents; this paper aims to study the effect of a lockdown on political trust and the moderating effect from quality of government shared information. From 12 March to 31 May 2022, Shanghai implemented strict lockdown measures. In this study, we randomly sampled the participation information of 1063 participants. Data-based regression analysis shows that lockdown has had a negative impact on all subcategories of political trust. However, timely and accuracy information weakens its negative effect. The accuracy of information moderates the relationship between lockdown and political trust in competence and integrity, while a sufficient supply of information moderates the relationship between lockdown and political trust in benevolence. Points for practitioners This study explores how different dimensions of information quality affect each component public’s political trust, and thereby inspires practitioners to strategically improve information communication in crisis.
| S-EPMC10071188 | biostudies-literature
Project description:During the first wave of COVID-19, lockdown restrictions limited people's movements mainly to food purchasing. Using survey data collected in Torino, Italy, from university students, this study analyses the lockdown's impact on the transportation means used for purchasing food compared to the pre-lockdown period. Food store businesses were not limited by the restrictions and people had to purchase food; however, national and local rules limited citizens' movements, potentially leading to a different choices of transportation means than before the pandemic. The results show that both the lockdown and, perhaps, the fear of contagion, moved the preferences of people from public and shared means to foot and private vehicles. These findings can help in rethinking how transportation is organised in an urban environment, such as that in Torino. Ensuring the safety of public and shared transportation may help sustain mobility during health emergencies.
| S-EPMC8743337 | biostudies-literature
Project description:BackgroundThe Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remains one of the countries most impacted by malaria despite decades of control efforts, including multiple mass insecticide treated net (ITN) distribution campaigns. The multi-scalar and complex nature of malaria necessitates an understanding of malaria risk factors over time and at multiple levels (e.g., individual, household, community). Surveillance of households in both rural and urban settings over time, coupled with detailed behavioral and geographic data, enables the detection of seasonal trends in malaria prevalence and malaria-associated behaviors as well as the assessment of how the local environments within and surrounding an individual's household impact malaria outcomes.MethodsParticipants from seven sites in Kinshasa Province, DRC were followed for over two years. Demographic, behavioral, and spatial information was gathered from enrolled households. Malaria was assessed using both rapid diagnostic tests (RDT) and polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and seasonal trends were assessed. Hierarchical regression modeling tested associations between behavioral and environmental factors and positive RDT and PCR outcomes at individual, household and neighborhood scales.ResultsAmong 1591 enrolled participants, malaria prevalence did not consistently vary seasonally across the sites but did vary by age and ITN usage. Malaria was highest and ITN usage lowest in children ages 6-15 years across study visits and seasons. Having another member of the household test positive for malaria significantly increased the risk of an individual having malaria [RDT: OR = 4.158 (2.86-6.05); PCR: OR = 3.37 (2.41-4.71)], as did higher malaria prevalence in the 250 m neighborhood around the household [RDT: OR = 2.711 (1.42-5.17); PCR: OR = 4.056 (2.3-7.16)]. Presence of water within close proximity to the household was also associated with malaria outcomes.ConclusionsTaken together, these findings suggest that targeting non-traditional age groups, children >5 years old and teenagers, and deploying household- and neighborhood-focused interventions may be effective strategies for improving malaria outcomes in high-burden countries like the DRC.
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Project description:SignificanceRecent political events show that members of extreme political groups support partisan violence, and survey evidence supposedly shows widespread public support. We show, however, that, after accounting for survey-based measurement error, support for partisan violence is far more limited. Prior estimates overstate support for political violence because of random responding by disengaged respondents and because of a reliance on hypothetical questions about violence in general instead of questions on specific acts of political violence. These same issues also cause the magnitude of the relationship between previously identified correlates and partisan violence to be overstated. As policy makers consider interventions designed to dampen support for violence, our results provide critical information about the magnitude of the problem.
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Project description:Recirculation systems (RAS), which reduce water consumption and improve pathogen control are increasingly used in Atlantic salmon aquaculture. Performance and adaptation of fish to new farming environment is actively investigated. Here, responses to crowding stress were compared in salmon reared in two systems (RAS with brackish water and flowthrough with full salinity water) at low and high density.
2021-04-27 | GSE173229 | GEO
Project description:This study aims at identifying the tools necessary for COVID-19 health emergency management, with particular reference to the period following the first lockdown, a crucial phase in which it was important to favor the maintenance of protective behaviors. It also aims at identifying the messages and sources that were most effective in managing communication correctly in such a crucial phase that is likely characterized by a fall in perceived health risk (due to the flattening of the epidemic curve) and a simultaneous rise in perceived economic and social risks (due to the enduring calamity). Knowing what source will be most effective to convey a specific message is fundamental in enabling individuals to focus on and comply with the rules. At the same time, it is necessary to understand how the message should be presented, and the relationships between messages, sources and targets. To meet these goals, data were collected through a self-administered online questionnaire submitted to a sample of undergraduate students from a University in Lombardy-the region most affected by the pandemic in the first wave- (Study 1), and to a national sample composed of Italian citizens (Study 2). Through our first manipulation which explored the effectiveness of social norms in relation to different sources, we found that, in the national sample, the injunctive norm conveyed by the government was the most effective in promoting behavioral intentions. By contrast, among the students, results showed that for the critical group with a lower risk perception (less inclined to adopt prevention behavior) descriptive norms, which implicitly convey the risk perception of peers, were as effective as the government injunctive norm. Our second manipulation, identical in Study 1 and 2, compared four types of communication (emotional, exponential growth, both of them, or neutral). The neutral condition was the most memorable, but no condition was more effective than the others. Across all message types there was a high intention to adopt protective behaviors. The results indicate possible applicative implications of the adopted communicative tools.
| S-EPMC7987650 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Moral reframing involves crafting persuasive arguments that appeal to the targets' moral values but argue in favor of something they would typically oppose. Applying this technique to one of the most politically polarizing events-political campaigns-we hypothesized that messages criticizing one's preferred political candidate that also appeal to that person's moral values can decrease support for the candidate. We tested this claim in the context of the 2016 American presidential election. In Study 1, conservatives reading a message opposing Donald Trump grounded in a more conservative value (loyalty) supported him less than conservatives reading a message grounded in more liberal concerns (fairness). In Study 2, liberals reading a message opposing Hillary Clinton appealing to fairness values were less supportive of Clinton than liberals in a loyalty-argument condition. These results highlight how moral reframing can be used to overcome the rigid stances partisans often hold and help develop political acceptance.
| S-EPMC6295651 | biostudies-literature
Project description:The province of Ontario, Canada, has a longstanding history of non-partisanship in municipal elections. In this distinctive context, we report results on citizen attitudes toward municipal partisanship using a survey of eligible voters in Canada's most populous province. Using a mixed-methods approach, we focus on three interrelated research questions. First, how much does citizen support for municipal parties depend on the type of party under consideration? Second, what reasons do citizens provide for their preference for either municipal political parties or independents? Finally, what are the correlates of support for municipal parties? We find little support for municipal political parties, and that many voters have sophisticated reasons for preferring either independents or parties. We also identify several factors associated with support for parties. These results provide an in-depth picture of attitudes on municipal partisanship in Ontario, and suggest that public opinion may provide an overlooked mechanism that maintains Ontario's non-partisanship.
| S-EPMC11315630 | biostudies-literature
Project description:People desire agentic representations of their personal and collective selves, such as their own nation. When national agency is put into question, this should increase their inclination to restore it, particularly when they simultaneously lack perceptions of personal control. In this article, we test this hypothesis of group-based control in the context of political elections occurring during socio-economic crises. We propose that people who are reminded of low (vs. high) personal control will have an increased tendency to reject traditional political parties that stand for the maintenance of a non-agentic political system. We experimentally manipulated the salience of low vs. high personal control in five studies and measured participants' intentions to support traditional and new political parties. Across four of five studies, in line with the predictions, low personal control reduced support for the main traditional conservative party (e.g., Partido Popular (PP) in Spain, the Republicans in France). These results appeared in contexts of national economic and/or political crisis, and were most pronounced when low (vs. high) national agency was made salient in Studies 4 and 5. The findings support the notion that rejecting the stability of the national political system can serve as a means to maintain a sense of control through the collective self.
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Project description:How can we explain the rise in diffuse political support during the Covid-19 pandemic? Recent research has argued that the lockdown measures generated political support. In contrast, I argue that the intensity of the pandemic rallied people around political institutions. Collective angst in the face of exponentially rising Covid-19 cases depresses the usual cognitive evaluations of institutions and leads citizens to rally around existing intuitions as a lifebuoy. Using a representative Dutch household survey conducted over March 2020, I compare the lockdown effect to the dynamic of the pandemic. I find that the lockdown effect is driven by pre-existing time trends. Accounting for non-linearities in time makes the lockdown effect disappear. In contrast, more flexible modelling techniques reveal a robust effect of Covid-19 infections on political trust. In line with an anxiety effect, I find that standard determinants of political trust - such as economic evaluations and social trust - lose explanatory power as the pandemic spreads. This speaks to an emotionally driven rally effect that pushes cognitive evaluations to the background.
| S-EPMC7753486 | biostudies-literature