Firearm Ownership, Defensive Gun Usage, and Support for Gun Control: Does Knowledge Matter?
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ABSTRACT: Supplementary information
The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12103-021-09644-7.
SUBMITTER: Kruis NE
PROVIDER: S-EPMC8482364 | biostudies-literature |
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature
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Project description:We assessed gun ownership rates in 2013 across the USA and the association between exposure to a social gun culture and gun ownership. We used data from a nationally representative sample of 4000 US adults, from 50 states and District of Columbia, aged >18 years to assess gun ownership and social gun culture performed in October 2013. State-level firearm policy information was obtained from the Brady Law Center and Injury Prevention and Control Center. One-third of Americans reported owning a gun, ranging from 5.2% in Delaware to 61.7% in Alaska. Gun ownership was 2.25-times greater among those reporting social gun culture (PR=2.25, 95% CI 2.02 to 2.52) than those who did not. In conclusion, we found strong association between social gun culture and gun ownership. Gun cultures may need to be considered for public health strategies that aim to change gun ownership in the USA.
| S-EPMC4809774 | biostudies-literature
Project description: Not available
| S-EPMC11339659 | biostudies-literature
Project description:ImportanceLittle is known about support for and willingness to engage in political violence in the United States. Such violence would likely involve firearms.ObjectiveTo evaluate whether firearm owners' and nonowners' support for political violence differs and whether support among owners varies by type of firearms owned, recency of purchase, and frequency of carrying a loaded firearm in public.Design, setting, and participantsThis cross-sectional nationally representative survey study was conducted from May 13 to June 2, 2022, among US adult members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, including an oversample of firearm owners.ExposureFirearm ownership vs nonownership.Main outcomes and measuresMain outcomes concern (1) support for political violence, in general and to advance specific political objectives; (2) personal willingness to engage in political violence, by severity of violence and target population; and (3) perceived likelihood of firearm use in political violence. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions and adjusted prevalence differences, with P values adjusted for the false-discovery rate and reported as q values.ResultsThe analytic sample comprised 12 851 respondents: 5820 (45.3%) firearm owners, 6132 (47.7%) nonowners without firearms at home, and 899 (7.0%) nonowners with firearms at home. After weighting, 51.0% (95% CI, 49.9%-52.1%) were female, 8.5% (95% CI, 7.5%-9.5%) Hispanic, 9.1% (95% CI, 8.1%-10.2%) non-Hispanic Black, and 62.6% (95% CI, 61.5%-63.8%) non-Hispanic White; the mean (SD) age was 48.5 (18.0) years. Owners were more likely than nonowners without firearms at home to consider violence usually or always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives (owners: 38.8%; 95% CI, 37.3%-40.4%; nonowners: 29.8%; 95% CI, 28.5%-31.2%; adjusted difference, 6.5 percentage points; 95% CI, 4.5-9.3 percentage points; q < .001) but were not more willing to engage in political violence. Recent purchasers, owners who always or nearly always carry loaded firearms in public, and to a lesser extent, owners of assault-type rifles were more supportive of and willing to engage in political violence than other subgroups of firearm owners.Conclusions and relevanceIn this study of support for political violence in the United States, differences between firearm owners and nonowners without firearms at home were small to moderate when present. Differences were greater among subsets of owners than between owners and nonowners. These findings can guide risk-based prevention efforts.
| S-EPMC11004826 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes.
| S-EPMC6687226 | biostudies-literature
Project description:ObjectivesThis study examines how characteristics of victims and types of incidents described in a media account of gun violence affect public support for three categories of policies that regulate firearms.MethodsA randomized experiment with a sample of US public (N = 3410).ResultsVictim race, particularly if the victim was Black, was a strong predictor of less public support for all tested categories of firearm regulation. Respondents were less supportive of policies to address gun suicide or accidents and more supportive of policy solutions to mass shootings, compared to street-level gun homicides. Depictions of victim gender, mental illness, prior incarceration, and age were less salient to support across categories of firearm regulation, compared to race and type of incident.ConclusionsMedia coverage of gun violence has heterogenous effects on public support for firearm regulation and may influence support for policies aimed at reducing specific types of gun violence.
| S-EPMC11323076 | biostudies-literature
Project description:BACKGROUND:Firearms account for the majority of US suicides, largely due to lethality and accessibility. Under Federal and Maryland law, long guns are less regulated than handguns which is a concern for increased suicide risk. This study uses Maryland data to ascertain the impact of long guns on suicides in the state. We hypothesize that the prevalence of long gun use among firearm suicides will be increased in rural and young populations. METHODS:This is a cross sectional study using police and medical examiner narratives to identify firearm type involved in all 3931 Maryland gun suicides from 2003 to 2018. Proportions of firearm suicides utilizing long guns were calculated. Urban-rural differences were determined using the National Center for Health Statistics' classification system. Logistic regression was used to calculate odds ratios of long gun to handgun suicides across the urban-rural spectrum, controlling for decedent demographics. RESULTS:From 2003 to 2018, 28.4% of Maryland gun suicides used long guns. The proportion of long guns used was highest in the most rural counties, where 51.6% of firearm suicides were by long gun, compared to 16.8% in the most urban counties. Long guns were disproportionately used by the young. For decedents 18 or younger, 44.6% used long guns, compared to 20.2% in those 65 or older. Compared to the most urban counties, firearm suicide decedents in the most rural counties were 3.74x more likely to use long guns (OR = 3.74; 95% CI 2.19, 6.40; p < .001) after adjusting for demographics, intoxication, and hunting season. CONCLUSIONS:Long guns are used in a large proportion of Maryland firearm suicides, particularly in rural areas and disproportionately in youth suicides. Long guns must be considered as part of access to lethal means or policy strategies in efforts to reduce the burden of firearm suicide.
| S-EPMC6996182 | biostudies-literature
Project description:ObjectivesStricter firearm policies correlate with lower suicides by firearm in the US. However, much work examines policies in isolation and does not investigate firearm policies as they relate to US pro-gun culture. We examine the relation between permissiveness of state firearm laws, gun culture, and suicides by firearm.Study designPanel longitudinal study.MethodsThe count of suicides by firearm for 50 US states from 2000 to 2016 served as the outcome. Permissiveness of multiple state firearm laws, based on ratings from the Traveler's Guide to the Firearm Laws of the Fifty States, served as the exposure. These ratings, measured at the state-year, capture not only the overall policy environment but also the extent to which the state exhibits a pro-gun culture. We applied a fixed effects negative binomial count model, which controls for the population-at-risk, to examine suicides overall and by race/ethnicity and gender.ResultsA 10-unit increase in permissiveness of state firearm laws corresponds with 2% greater suicides by firearm overall (Incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 1.02; 95% CI: 1.01-1.03) and among non-Hispanic white males ([IRR] = 1.02, 95% CI: 1.01-1.02).ConclusionsFindings, if replicated, indicate that states enacting more restrictive firearm policies, and lessening a pro-gun culture, may lead to reductions in suicide by firearm.
| S-EPMC9461642 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Firearm-related violence is a significant public health and public safety problem for cities in the USA, and licensed firearm retailers are an important source of the guns used in that violence. Using a scripted telephone interview, we screened a sample of licensed retailers in California to assess their willingness to participate in the surrogate or "straw" purchase of a handgun; such purchases are illegal under federal law. Of 149 retailers who provided a response, 30 (20.1%) agreed to participate. In multivariate analysis, pawnbrokers were more likely to agree than were gun dealers (odds ratio 6.58, 95% confidence interval 1.99-21.71). Sales of handguns that were later subjected to ownership tracing (a proxy measure for a gun's use in crime) were not more frequent among retailers who agreed to participate than among others, and other findings were unexpected as well.
| S-EPMC2937134 | biostudies-literature
Project description:IntroductionFirearm-related deaths and injuries are ongoing public health issues in the United States. We reviewed a series of gun violence- and firearm-related injuries treated at a multi-campus community healthcare system in West Michigan to better understand the demographic and clinical characteristics of these injuries. We also studied hospital charges, and payers responsible, in an effort to identify stakeholders and opportunities for community- and hospital-based prevention.MethodsWe performed a retrospective review of firearm injuries treated at Mercy Health Muskegon (MHM) between May 1, 2015 and June 30, 2019. Demographic data, injury type, Injury Severity Score (ISS), anatomic location and organ systems involved, length of stay (LOS), mortality, time of year, and ZIP code in which the injury occurred were reviewed, as were hospital charges and payers responsible.ResultsOf those reviewed, 307 firearm-related injuries met inclusion criteria for the study. In 69.4% of cases the injury type was attempted murder or intent to do bodily harm. Accidental and self-inflicted injuries accounted for 25% of cases. There was a statistically significant difference in the mechanism of injury between Black and White patients with a higher proportion of Black men injured due to gun violence (P < 0.001). Median ISS was 8 and the most commonly injured organ system was musculoskeletal. Median LOS was one day. Self-inflicted firearm injuries had the highest rate of mortality (50%) followed by attempted murder (7%) and accidental discharge (3.1%; P < 0.001). Median hospital charge was $8,008. In 68% of cases, Medicaid was the payer. MHM received $4.98 million dollars in reimbursement from Medicaid; however, when direct and indirect costs were taken into account, a loss of $12,648 was observed.ConclusionFindings from this study reveal that young, Black men are the primary victims of gun violence-related injuries in our West Michigan service area. Hospital care of firearm-related injuries at MHM was predominantly paid for by Medicaid. Multiple stakeholders stand to benefit from funding and supporting community- and hospital-based prevention programs designed to reduce gun violence and firearm-related injuries in our service area.
| S-EPMC8203015 | biostudies-literature
Project description:OBJECTIVE:To determine whether restrictiveness-permissiveness of state gun laws or gun ownership are associated with mass shootings in the US. DESIGN:Cross sectional time series. SETTING AND POPULATION:US gun owners from 1998-2015. EXPOSURE:An annual rating between 0 (completely restrictive) and 100 (completely permissive) for the gun laws of all 50 states taken from a reference guide for gun owners traveling between states from 1998 to 2015. Gun ownership was estimated annually as the percentage of suicides committed with firearms in each state. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE:Mass shootings were defined as independent events in which four or more people were killed by a firearm. Data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reporting System from 1998-2015 were used to calculate annual rates of mass shootings in each state. Mass shooting events and rates were further separated into those where the victims were immediate family members or partners (domestic) and those where the victims had other relationships with the perpetrator (non-domestic). RESULTS:Fully adjusted regression analyses showed that a 10 unit increase in state gun law permissiveness was associated with a significant 11.5% (95% confidence interval 4.2% to 19.3%, P=0.002) higher rate of mass shootings. A 10% increase in state gun ownership was associated with a significant 35.1% (12.7% to 62.7%, P=0.001) higher rate of mass shootings. Partially adjusted regression analyses produced similar results, as did analyses restricted to domestic and non-domestic mass shootings. CONCLUSIONS:States with more permissive gun laws and greater gun ownership had higher rates of mass shootings, and a growing divide appears to be emerging between restrictive and permissive states.
| S-EPMC6402045 | biostudies-literature